SOME statements by the ruling party leaders hailing the decision to impose a state of emergency and governor’s rule in KP bring to mind the words of a political leader following the military operation in East Pakistan in 1971: “Thank God, Pakistan is saved.” In fact, that action led to the separation of the eastern wing. Indeed, comparing the two situations may not be correct. Still, such reckless action against a provincial government that holds a two-thirds majority in the assembly could provoke a combustible environment, further destabilising a country that is facing multiple challenges on both the internal and external fronts.
For some time, it had been apparent that the hybrid set-up had opted for what is sometimes described as the ‘nuclear option’, as tensions between Islamabad and Peshawar heightened over the PTI’s threat to march on Islamabad. The capital was sealed off with containers, and the highways leading to the city were blocked. Hopes of ending the stand-off arose earlier this month when the government and the opposition agreed to talk. But even a marathon meeting and back-channel contacts failed to break the stalemate.
Despite the blame game, it was clear the powers that be were not prepared to agree to the PTI’s major demand — a meeting with Imran Khan — or to implement the orders of the Islamabad High Court and the Supreme Court. While the differences were purely political, the government maintained that the talks broke down over the PTI provincial government’s refusal to cooperate on counterterrorism operations. Some federal ministers declared the PTI government to be an extension of the TTP. The PTI and the provincial government indeed have no clear view regarding the rising cases of terrorism in the province. Still, the party was willing to cooperate provided it was allowed to give its input in any policy. None of it was beyond resolution once the political issues were settled.
According to Maulana Fazlur Rahman, who was asked to mediate at the last moment, the PTI was ready to call off its protest march if the government allowed it a meeting with its detained leader. But before his shuttle diplomacy could reach any conclusion, the government imposed a state of emergency in KP, shutting the door on any political solution. The talks seem to have been a mere cover for the crackdown. The protest march that paralysed the province, along with defiant speeches by a novice chief minister, gave the centre justification for the extreme action it took.
Without a popular political base, it will not be easy to run a volatile region.
In fact, the province was already under unannounced governor’s rule before the formal announcement. While the chief minister led the protest march, the chief secretary and police chief took orders from the governor and Islamabad. Some KP cabinet members and legislators were picked up without the provincial government’s permission.
The governor now rules the province, and an indefinite state of emergency has been declared. The provincial government is dissolved, and the non-functional chief minister, Sohail Afridi, and some of his cabinet colleagues have been detained. Indications are that Afridi and some other local PTI leaders could be tried for their alleged involvement in the May 9 attacks and disqualified. Meanwhile, an 11-member advisory council, comprising mostly technocrats, has been installed to run the administration, overseen by Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar. But the real power, though, lies with the establishment.
This isn’t the first time an elected provincial government has been sent packing. Still, such sweeping action against a government that enjoyed a two-thirds majority in the assembly has not been seen in recent history. Without a popular political base, it will not be easy to run the administration of a highly volatile region in the midst of resurgent terrorism and a hostile border.
There may have been no immediate public reaction to the government’s removal and the crackdown on its leaders, but the tension is palpable. The containers may have been removed in Islamabad, but Peshawar is now barricaded to protect government offices and installations. Educational institutions are closed, and internet services have yet to be restored in many places. The eerie lull speaks of a gathering storm. Governing a highly politicised region from Islamabad or Rawalpindi cannot deliver the desired result, and using force could fuel anger.
Most concerning is that it could lead to an unholy alliance between alienated PTI workers and the TTP in troubled districts, compounding the country’s internal security challenges. A fragmented political party can pose a greater threat to internal security. It is a ticking time bomb.
What happened in KP is an extension of the authoritarianism trend in the country. The removal of an elected government headed by a party that still enjoys massive popular support, not only in the province but across the country, despite continuing state persecution, will further destabilise the situation. Some federal ministers’ claims that emergency rule has saved KP, as well as Pakistan, are misplaced. The reckless action has further weakened a federal government of questionable legitimacy.
Voices already say the present system cannot deliver. They are also calling for a reset of the redundant system. The fault line within the hybrid rule is widening. Emergency rule in KP seems to be the first step towards the resetting of the system — something that has repeatedly been echoed by a minister with strong ties to the establishment.
That projected resetting is not meant to restore democracy but to reinforce authoritarianism. With the judiciary constrained by the 26th and 27th Amendments that were rubber-stamped by a compliant parliament, and with various laws curbing freedom of expression, the path towards greater authoritarian rule seems set. We are witnessing a transition from hybrid to hard rule. It is a perfect storm.
The writer is an author and journalist.
X: @hidhussain
Published in Dawn, October 14th, 2026
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